Waco: National Testbed Center
On July 30, 1992, one of David Koresh's business associates, Henry McMahon, received a visit from several ATF agents. The subject of the inquiry was recent gun purchases made by David Koresh. McMahon, himself a gun dealer, phoned David Koresh while the agents stood in front of him, and told Koresh about the ATF inquiries. Koresh invited the ATF out to inspect his premises and his guns.
According to Mr. McMahon's testimony in the 1995 Congressional hearings, when he relayed Koresh's invitation, the ATF agents declined to accept the invitation. The legality of David Koresh's guns were, then, never the issue. They could have gone out and inspected the guns at any time.
Had the ATF not wanted to accept Koresh's invitation to come out to inspect the guns, and had the simply wanted to arrest him on some pretext, they could have apprehended him when he was out of the Mt. Carmel Center. But ATF claimed that David Koresh never left the property, and therefore a raid was necessary to apprehend him.
In an article entitled: "Residents, businessmen say Howell not a recluse," which appeared in the Waco Tribune-Herald, March 4, 1993, one Waco resident was quoted:
"To say that he never leaves that place is ridiculous. He is always out everywhere. Everybody and their dog see him and many of the people out there. But I guess they are just trying to cover themselves because they are going to be in big trouble--hopefully," she said.
David Koresh used to like to work on car engines at a repair shop owned by the Davidians, which was about five miles from the Mt. Carmel Center. He was also "seen dining and drinking at Chelsea Street Pub, a popular West Waco eatery, at least twice in the past six weeks," according to the paper. There was no need for an assault, no need to endanger ATF agents, and no need to endanger peaceful civilians.
What was at issue? The issue seems to be that the February 28, 1993 raid and ensuing siege provided the US the opportunity to test, for the first time, the "National Response Plan." (Treasury Report, pg. 152 for description).
A chart of the National Response Plan's organization appears on Treasury Report, pg. 63. At the top of the chart, we see that control of the plan is vested in the "National Command Center," which was ostensibly under the command of an ATF agent (Treasury Report, pg. 152). At the bottom of the chart, we see other federal, state, and local law enforcement agencies, the Department of Defense (DoD National Guard Support). Thus we are asked to believe that an ATF agent sits at the top of the organization board (in command) and that the Department of Defense is at the bottom of the organization board.
It is of course unbelievable that an ATF employee would be taken seriously if he tried to issue directives to the Pentagon concerning the deployment of Pentagon troops. The picture of a four star general, having climbed to the top of the military chain of command by decades of careful politics, taking orders from Treasury Department functionaries is not credible. Had this organizational chart borne semblance to reality, we surely would have seen "DoD" box at the top of the chart.
But the ATF is essentially a tax-collecting agency. What "situations" could exceed the capabilities of an ATF field division to collect taxes? Clearly any situation that required the power of the DoD National Guard would be a major civil upheaval. The NRP is a preparation for armed confrontation between the military/police forces in the US government and US citizens.
Since the US citizenry is not preparing a massed attack against the military/police combine, we can only conclude this National Response Plan is a plan for military/police occupation of civilian society.
The Treasury Report says, "Colonel Charlie Beckwith, U.S.A. Ret., on assignment for Soldier of Fortune magazine, claims that he managed to advance on foot to within less than a mile of the Compound without being challenged." (Treasury Report, pg. 112). "Note: Beckwith was within one mile of the Mt. Carmel Center during hostilities, and he was not arrested--yet, several days after the fire in April--reporters from the Associated Press and Houston Chronicle were arrested for getting within two miles of the complex (see Inside the Concrete Room in the Death Gallery)".
In an article appearing in the Soldier of Fortune, July 1993, Col. Beckwith also criticized the ATF's handling of the media. "It was not until the FBI arrived on 29 February (sic) that the media was put under control and moved outside the target area," he lamented.
"Just before 11 a.m., a number of buses and heavily armed ATF agents carrying plastic flex-cuffs left the base for the compound. Dozens of agents began carrying tables, chairs and stenography machines into the hangar, students and instructors at the college said.
"Then ATF agents began evacuating the campus. Students said armed officers entered classrooms and told them to leave."
-- This from the Dallas Morning News, March 3, 1993, pg. 14A.
In the military takeover of a country, paradigms must be established, from which the people can learn that resistance to the new order can only result in annihilation. With the practical details embodied in the National Response Plan, the new paradigm was established in Waco, Texas, in 1993.
Update, June 7, 1995:
Most recently, Special Ops exercises in Pittsburgh provoked considerable negative public reaction. According to the Pittsburgh Post-Gazette report, between midnight and 2 a.m. on June 4th, 200 Special Ops commandos buzzed the city with Black Hawk helicopters, slid down ropes to the streets, and landed in the Brighton Heights area. They fired loud explosions and fired blank bullets for sound effects, and set off small explosions to breach doors in an abandoned building. Department of Defense Spokesmen said they were simulating a "rescue."
Notice the same Orwellian rhetoric used in Waco: This is not an assault, this is a rescue.
According to another report, one startled resident said, "If I had been up on my third floor, I could have touched it "the helicopter" with a broom handle. That's how close it came."
The 911 emergency operators were given handouts instructing them to tell panicked callers they were witnessing "training" exercises. Callers who would not be placated were to be given another telephone number which connected them to the DoD.
Some local officials had been warned of the exercises, and indeed helped in setting them up. But the public had deliberately not been warned, ostensibly to avoid the public safety issues created by curious onlookers.
These exercises are, in part, mass desensitization sessions, the object of which is to dull public reaction to the sights and sounds of military takeover of urban areas. See "The Making of a Commando" in The Black Army for a description of desensitization programs.
Visitors who have read The Boy Who Cried Wolf may remember what the young shepherd with a warped sense of humor learned: If you fake a wolf alert too often, people stop coming when you cry wolf. Now the wolf has learned the trick: Its only a drill, a practice session, I'm here to rescue you. Go back to sleep.
These practice sessions will enable the Pentagon to send a flotilla of military helicopters over any major city, day or night, land soldiers in the streets, set off guns and explosions, breach doors with grenades--and people will ignore them.
Paul Revere may ride, but we will ignore him, too. We all know the British are just maneuvering and practicing their skills--they are just here to rescue us.
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This page last updated February 28, 2001.